已故哈佛大學(xué)茱迪·史珂拉（Judith N. Shklar）教授是當(dāng)代美國學(xué)界罕見的同時得到斯特勞斯派和羅爾斯派交口稱譽的政治哲學(xué)家和政治思想史家�！墩嗡枷肱c政治思想家》和《兌現(xiàn)美國政治思想》是在她去世后由她的同事和朋友斯坦利·霍夫曼（Stanley Hoffmann）等人編撰的兩部論文集，其中既包括她的名作宏論，也搜羅了她的遺稿殘篇。大約五六年前，我在北京東方出版社籌劃“當(dāng)代實踐哲學(xué)譯叢”時，除了在與劉訓(xùn)練君合編的《第三種自由》一書中收入她的“消極自由和積極自由在美國”（由本人翻譯，文章標(biāo)題改為“兩種自由在美國”）一文，還計劃從這兩本論文集中遴選十余篇文章組成一個題為《恐懼的自由主義》的文集。由于此類選集的版權(quán)問題相當(dāng)復(fù)雜，此事不幸半途而廢。但我并未從此死心，而還是想把“恐懼的自由主義”這個史珂拉的名篇譯出來，納入我計劃編纂的一部有關(guān)自由主義歷史與理論的專集。只是由于近年頭緒太多，一直顧不上這項工作。因此，當(dāng)看到《政治思想與政治思想家》一書由在學(xué)界頗有聲譽的“世紀(jì)文景”整體引進出版時，我的興奮之情是可想而知的。我?guī)缀跏呛敛华q豫地買下了這個其實定價不菲的譯本，并多次在不同場合向我的學(xué)生和朋友大力推薦這本書。
原文： The cruelties of the religious wars had the effect of turning many Christians away from the public policies of the churches to a morality that saw toleration as an expression of Christian charity.
原文： Limited and responsible government may be implicit in the claim for personal autonomy, but without an explicit political commitment to such institutions, liberalism is still doctrinally incomplete.
原文：Berlins negative liberty of “not being forced” and its later version of “open doors” is kept conceptually pure and separate from “the conditions of liberty,” that is, the social and political institutions that make personal freedom possible. That is entirely necessary if negative liberty is to be fully distinguished from what Berlin calls “positive liberty,” which is the freedom of ones higher from ones lower self.
原文：If negative freedom is to have any political significance at all, it must specify at least some of the institutional characteristics of a relatively free regime. Socially that also means a dispersion of power among a plurality of politically empowered groups, pluralism, in short, as well as the elimination of such forms and degrees of social inequality as expose people to oppressive practices.
原文：Moreover, there is no particular reason to accept the moral theory on which Berlins negative freedom rests……Whatever the truth of this metapolitical assumption may be, liberalism can do without of it. The liberalism of fear in fact does not rest on a theory of moral pluralism.
原文：The importance of voluntary associations from this perspective is not the satisfaction that their members may derive from joining in cooperative endeavors, but their ability to become significant units of social power and influence that can check, or at least alter, the assertions of other organized agents, both voluntary and governmental.
原文：There is nothing “reductive” about building a political order on the avoidance of fear and cruelty unless one begins with a contempt for physical experience.
原文：To judge inherited habits by standards that purport to be general, even though they are alien to a people, is said to be an arrogant imposition of false as well as partial principles. For there are no generally valid social prohibitions or rules, and the task of the social critic is at most to articulate socially immanent values.
原文：To those American political theorists who long for either more communal or more expansively individualistic personalities, I now offer a reminder that these are the concerns of an exceptionally privileged liberal society, and that until the institutions of primary freedom are in place these longings cannot even arise. Indeed the extent to which both the communitarian and the romantic take free public institutions for granted is a tribute to the United States, but not to their sense of history.
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